Age, Biography and Wiki
Michael Kazin was born on 6 June, 1948 in New York City, New York, U.S., is an American historian (born 1948). Discover Michael Kazin's Biography, Age, Height, Physical Stats, Dating/Affairs, Family and career updates. Learn How rich is he in this year and how he spends money? Also learn how he earned most of networth at the age of 75 years old?
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Age |
75 years old |
Zodiac Sign |
Gemini |
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6 June, 1948 |
Birthday |
6 June |
Birthplace |
New York City, New York, U.S. |
Nationality |
United States
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We recommend you to check the complete list of Famous People born on 6 June.
He is a member of famous historian with the age 75 years old group.
Michael Kazin Height, Weight & Measurements
At 75 years old, Michael Kazin height not available right now. We will update Michael Kazin's Height, weight, Body Measurements, Eye Color, Hair Color, Shoe & Dress size soon as possible.
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Dating & Relationship status
He is currently single. He is not dating anyone. We don't have much information about He's past relationship and any previous engaged. According to our Database, He has no children.
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Michael Kazin Net Worth
His net worth has been growing significantly in 2023-2024. So, how much is Michael Kazin worth at the age of 75 years old? Michael Kazin’s income source is mostly from being a successful historian. He is from United States. We have estimated Michael Kazin's net worth, money, salary, income, and assets.
Net Worth in 2024 |
$1 Million - $5 Million |
Salary in 2024 |
Under Review |
Net Worth in 2023 |
Pending |
Salary in 2023 |
Under Review |
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Not Available |
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Not Available |
Source of Income |
historian |
Michael Kazin Social Network
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Timeline
He is also co-author (with Maurice Isserman) of America Divided, now in its sixth edition; American Dreamers and War Against War: The American Fight for Peace, 1914-1918.
Michael Kazin (born June 6, 1948) is an American historian, and professor at Georgetown University.
He is co-editor of Dissent magazine.
Kazin was born in New York City in 1948 and was raised in Englewood, New Jersey.
He graduated from Dwight-Englewood School in 1966 and received the school's Distinguished Alumni Award in 2006.
He received a B.A. in Social Studies from Harvard, an M.A. in History from Portland State University, and a Ph.D. in History from Stanford.
As a Harvard student he was a leader in Students for a Democratic Society.
Kazin married physician Beth C. Horowitz in 1980.
Barons of Labor was awarded the Herbert Gutman Prize in 1988, and War Against War won the award for the best book in peace history published in 2017 and 2018 from the Peace History Society.
Kazin has written numerous reviews and articles for such periodicals as The New York Times, The Washington Post, The New York Review of Books, The New Republic, and The Nation.
He has won fellowships from the Guggenheim Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, and the National Endowment for the Humanities, among others.
Kazin has been a Fulbright scholar in the Netherlands and Japan.
He has twice been a member of the Pulitzer Prize jury for biography and autobiography.
They have two children, Danny, born in 1988, and Maia, born in 1991.
Kazin's main research interests are American social movements and politics of the 19th and 20th centuries.
He has authored books on labor history (Barons of Labor); populism (The Populist Persuasion) and a biography of William Jennings Bryan, (A Godly Hero).
In an article for the Fall 2019 issue of Dissent magazine, Kazin argues that strategic collaboration between liberals and leftists is essential for the realization of a progressive political program.
In 2020, he was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
Kazin is a member of the Democratic Socialists of America.
He wrote that "no Democrat will win the presidency in 2020 unless she or he can mobilize a broad coalition in which socialists would still be a distinct minority. In the United States, a strategic alliance between liberals and leftists is the only way durable changes have ever been won ... Abolitionists who joined the Republican Party drove Radical Reconstruction; union activists with socialist convictions helped make the Democrats a semblance of a labor party in big industrial states; the black freedom movement worked with white liberals to pass the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts. Such coalitions were short-lived and frustrated radicals who wanted more far-reaching results. But when liberals and leftists remained at odds, as during the final decades of the past century, they made it easier for the right to triumph."