Age, Biography and Wiki
Haj Ali Razmara was born on 30 March, 1901 in Tehran, Sublime State of Persia, is an Iranian Prime Minister (1950–51) and military leader. Discover Haj Ali Razmara's Biography, Age, Height, Physical Stats, Dating/Affairs, Family and career updates. Learn How rich is he in this year and how he spends money? Also learn how he earned most of networth at the age of 50 years old?
Popular As |
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Occupation |
N/A |
Age |
50 years old |
Zodiac Sign |
Aries |
Born |
30 March, 1901 |
Birthday |
30 March |
Birthplace |
Tehran, Sublime State of Persia |
Date of death |
1951 |
Died Place |
Tehran, Imperial State of Iran |
Nationality |
Iran
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We recommend you to check the complete list of Famous People born on 30 March.
He is a member of famous Minister with the age 50 years old group.
Haj Ali Razmara Height, Weight & Measurements
At 50 years old, Haj Ali Razmara height not available right now. We will update Haj Ali Razmara's Height, weight, Body Measurements, Eye Color, Hair Color, Shoe & Dress size soon as possible.
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Height |
Not Available |
Weight |
Not Available |
Body Measurements |
Not Available |
Eye Color |
Not Available |
Hair Color |
Not Available |
Who Is Haj Ali Razmara's Wife?
His wife is Anvar ol-Molouk Hedayat
Family |
Parents |
Not Available |
Wife |
Anvar ol-Molouk Hedayat |
Sibling |
Not Available |
Children |
5 |
Haj Ali Razmara Net Worth
His net worth has been growing significantly in 2023-2024. So, how much is Haj Ali Razmara worth at the age of 50 years old? Haj Ali Razmara’s income source is mostly from being a successful Minister. He is from Iran. We have estimated Haj Ali Razmara's net worth, money, salary, income, and assets.
Net Worth in 2024 |
$1 Million - $5 Million |
Salary in 2024 |
Under Review |
Net Worth in 2023 |
Pending |
Salary in 2023 |
Under Review |
House |
Not Available |
Cars |
Not Available |
Source of Income |
Minister |
Haj Ali Razmara Social Network
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Timeline
Ali Razmara, also known as Haj Ali Razmara (30 March 1901 – 7 March 1951), was a military leader and prime minister of Iran.
He was assassinated by 26-year-old Khalil Tahmassebi of the Fadayan-e Islam organization outside the Shah Mosque in Tehran at the age of 49.
Razmara was the third Iranian prime minister to be assassinated.
Razmara was born in Tehran in 1901.
His father, Mohammad Khan Razmara, was a military officer.
He studied at the military academy of Saint-Cyr in France.
Razmara was appointed prime minister by the Shah in 1950.
His cabinet was inaugurated on 26 June.
He promoted a plan for decentralization of government together with decentralization of the seven-year plan for infrastructure development and improvement.
His idea was to bring government to the people; an unheard-of idea in Iran.
His plan called for setting up local councils in Iran's 84 districts to run local affairs such as health, education and agricultural programs.
One of his most enduring achievements was the institution of the Point IV program via agreement with US President Harry Truman.
Razmara began trimming the government payrolls, eliminating a large number of officials out of a total of 187,000 civil servants.
At one stroke he terminated nearly 400 high-placed officials.
By so doing, Razmarra earned the wrath of the powerful land-owning and merchant families and most conservatives without gaining the confidence of the radical Tudeh Party.
Additionally, his opposition to the expropriation of AIOC assets at Abadan earned him the wrath of the small but powerful group of Majlis deputies known as the National Front.
The National Front was led by Majlis Member, Mohammed Mossadegh, whose leading ally in Parliament was the Assembly Speaker, Ayatollah Kashani.
Ali Razmara came closer than any other prime minister to ratifying the supplemental oil agreement between Iran and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC).
The agreement drew the ire of most Iranians and Majlis of Iran deputies because it provided far less favorable terms than the Venezuela agreement between Standard Oil of New Jersey and the Venezuelan government, or the agreement between the Arabian-American Oil Company and the Saudi Arabian government.
In addition, it gave continuous control of Iran's oil industry to a foreign company and country; the living and working conditions of its Iranian workers were extremely poor; it refused to allow Iranians a greater voice in the company's management; and it denied them the right to audit the company's books.
The AIOC did, however, offer a few improvements: it guaranteed that its annual royalty payments would not drop below 4 million pounds; it would reduce the area where it would be allowed to drill; and it promised to train more Iranians for administrative jobs.
Razmara asked Anglo-Iranian to revise some of the agreement terms, namely to allow Iranian auditors to review their financial activities, offer Iranians managerial jobs, and pay some of the royalties to the Iranian government in advance.
The British refused and lost the opportunity.
Razmara was in office at the direct urging of the British Foreign Office and the AIOC to the Shah.
They wanted a stronger figure than Razmara's predecessor, Prime Minister Mansur, to ensure the success of the Supplemental Agreement.
"Only a man with [Razmara's] fierce determination, they believed, would be strong enough to face down Mossadegh and the National Front."
On 7 March 1951, Razmara went to the Shah Mosque for a memorial service.
The police opened a corridor through the inner courtyard for him.
The assassin, in the crowd, fired three quick shots, fatally wounding the Prime Minister.
Khalil Tahmassebi, a member of the group Fadayan-e Islam, was arrested at the scene.
At a public demonstration the following day attended by more than 8,000 Tudeh Party members and National Front supporters, Fadayan-e Islam distributed leaflets carrying a threat to assassinate the Shah and other government officials if the assassin, Tahmassebi, was not set free immediately.
Threats were also issued against any Majlis member who opposed oil nationalization.
The National Front was led by Mohammed Mossadegh, who became prime minister within two months of Razmara's assassination.
Ayatollah Seyyed Abol-Ghasem Kashani, the leader of the country's mullahs, ended his support for the Fadayan-e Islam after the assassination.
Kashani then became closer to the National Front.
On 12 March 1951 the Majlis voted to nationalize Iran's oil.
Not one Majlis member voted against the Act.
A spectator in the gallery is reported to have shouted "Eight grains of gunpowder have brought this about."
On the other hand, the assassin, Tahmassebi, was freed by the Iranian Parliament in 1952, but then he was tried and executed in 1955.
In 1954 Navab Safavi, founder of the Fadayan-e Islam, in a speech to the Muslim Brotherhood meeting in Egypt, declared that he himself had killed Razmara.