Age, Biography and Wiki
Mahir Çayan was born on 15 March, 1946 in Samsun, Samsun, Turkey, is an A party' Party of Turkey politicians. Discover Mahir Çayan's Biography, Age, Height, Physical Stats, Dating/Affairs, Family and career updates. Learn How rich is he in this year and how he spends money? Also learn how he earned most of networth at the age of 26 years old?
Popular As |
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Occupation |
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Age |
26 years old |
Zodiac Sign |
Pisces |
Born |
15 March 1946 |
Birthday |
15 March |
Birthplace |
Samsun, Samsun, Turkey |
Date of death |
1972 |
Died Place |
Kızıldere, Niksar, Tokat, Turkey |
Nationality |
Turkey
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We recommend you to check the complete list of Famous People born on 15 March.
He is a member of famous with the age 26 years old group.
Mahir Çayan Height, Weight & Measurements
At 26 years old, Mahir Çayan height not available right now. We will update Mahir Çayan's Height, weight, Body Measurements, Eye Color, Hair Color, Shoe & Dress size soon as possible.
Physical Status |
Height |
Not Available |
Weight |
Not Available |
Body Measurements |
Not Available |
Eye Color |
Not Available |
Hair Color |
Not Available |
Dating & Relationship status
He is currently single. He is not dating anyone. We don't have much information about He's past relationship and any previous engaged. According to our Database, He has no children.
Family |
Parents |
Aziz Çayan
Naciye Çayan |
Wife |
Not Available |
Sibling |
Not Available |
Children |
Not Available |
Mahir Çayan Net Worth
His net worth has been growing significantly in 2023-2024. So, how much is Mahir Çayan worth at the age of 26 years old? Mahir Çayan’s income source is mostly from being a successful . He is from Turkey. We have estimated Mahir Çayan's net worth, money, salary, income, and assets.
Net Worth in 2024 |
$1 Million - $5 Million |
Salary in 2024 |
Under Review |
Net Worth in 2023 |
Pending |
Salary in 2023 |
Under Review |
House |
Not Available |
Cars |
Not Available |
Source of Income |
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Mahir Çayan Social Network
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Timeline
The Campaign/Operation in 1919-23 was the campaign of the Reformist Bourgeoisie.
The Republic was the state of the Reformist Bourgeoisie, the radicals, the usurers, the merchants, and the wealthy people.
The Dominant Alliance made up of all fractions of the Bourgeoisie and the feudal squirearchy.
The guidance “power” was the National Bourgeoisie (resp. the Reformist Bourgeoisie).
As years passed, the Reformist Bourgeoisie has lost its influence on the economic life under the circumstances of the Monopoly Capitalism and the foreign-dependent elements were taking over.
Imperialism has infiltrated widely and based on/referred to the feudal squirearchy, the usurers, and the merchants.
The Monopoly Bourgeoisie was getting power step by step.
Mahir Çayan (15 March 1946 – 30 March 1972) was a Turkish communist revolutionary and the leader of People's Liberation Party-Front of Turkey (Turkish: Türkiye Halk Kurtuluş Partisi-Cephesi).
He was a Marxist–Leninist revolutionary leader.
He believed the main cause of this contradiction was American imperialism, which developed a Neocolonialism Method after 1946.
The goal of this method is to minimize the problems of senior imperialists more satisfactorily, and provides bigger market shares with less expenses, more systematic organization, and no new national wars.
The main order is the variance in consolidation of the capital outflow and the transfer.
This method leads to "permanent settlement" of imperialism in a country but also raises social production and relative welfare to certain degrees in parallel with an expanding market.
As a consequence, contradictions seems less immediate, meaning there is an artificial balance between the anti-order and systemic reactions of the masses, and the oligarchy.
"The Campaign/Operation in 1950 was a counterrevolution in Turkey, because the usurers and the merchants with the representatives of finance capital came to power. That was the Anatolian Commercial Bourgeoisie which came to power. The “small town compradors” came to power. This parasitical coterie made an alliance with another parasitical coterie like itself and came to power. That was the Dominant Alliance.
The Campaign/Operation in 1950 was done.
Imperialism has provided full management.
The assistance of the Monopoly Bourgeoisie was not the essential “power” at that moment.
The “power” was the “team” of the usurers, the merchants, and the feudal squirearchy.
The situation of the Monopoly Bourgeoisie was not enough to be a mainstay.
The years went by, and it was essential for the interests of Imperialism and Capitalism to “refine” this ally.
The Imperialist Relations of Production was consolidating the Monopoly Bourgeoisie.
The Campaign/Operation on May 27, 1960 was a revolution.
The Reformist Bourgeoisie brought another Dominant Alliance to power through overthrow of the feudal residues and the hegemony of usurers and merchants.
Why do The Monopoly Bourgeoisie and Imperialism embrace the usurers, the merchants, and the feudal squirearchy without to expel the Reformist Bourgeoisie from the Dominant Alliance?
Why do they at least tolerate the taking on the guidance role of the usurers, the merchants, and the feudal squirearchy “team” by the Reformist Bourgeoisie in 1960?
and Why do they make an alliance with all these “residues” through to subordinate the Reformist Bourgeoisie?
The situation is too clear.
He lashed out at the revisionist lines of the Soviet Union and Workers Party of Turkey and actively supported the Che Guevara and Cuban Revolution, leaving the Workers Party of Turkey in 1965 to form the Revolutionary Youth Federation of Turkey, which developed into the People's Liberation Party-Front of Turkey in 1970.
In 1970, he became leader of the People's Liberation Party-Front of Turkey with Ulaş Bardakçı.
Çayan was a Vanguardist and a revolution theorist.
He developed the theory of artificial balance which occurs between the oligarchy and the nation during the last crisis of imperialism.
The state in Turkey has never been fallen under the certain hegemony of any coterie of the Bourgeoisie till 1970.
The following was written by Çayan after the declaration of martial law in April 1971:
On 30 March 1972, he was killed in an ambush by Turkish Military Forces with nine of the other members of THKP-C and THKO in Kızıldere village.
Çayan attended Haydarpaşa High School, later becoming a scholarship student at Ankara University's School of Political Science.
While at university, Çayan joined the Workers Party of Turkey and became a leader within the youth movement.
Despite this, he frequently clashed with party leadership, which supported the theory of the national democratic revolution.
Çayan himself was a anti-revisionist Marxist–Leninist who firmly supported Joseph Stalin.
He admired the Guevarist guerrilla groups in Latin America, such as the National Liberation Army, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, and Tupamaros, and created a strategy called the People's Revolution and the Democratic Revolution.