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Alexandru Nicolschi (Boris Grünberg) was born on 2 June, 1915 in Tiraspol, Russia (now in Transnistria, Moldova), is a Romanian communist activist and intelligence officer. Discover Alexandru Nicolschi's Biography, Age, Height, Physical Stats, Dating/Affairs, Family and career updates. Learn How rich is he in this year and how he spends money? Also learn how he earned most of networth at the age of 76 years old?

Popular As Boris Grünberg
Occupation N/A
Age 76 years old
Zodiac Sign Gemini
Born 2 June, 1915
Birthday 2 June
Birthplace Tiraspol, Russia (now in Transnistria, Moldova)
Date of death 16 April, 1992
Died Place Bucharest, Romania
Nationality Russia

We recommend you to check the complete list of Famous People born on 2 June. He is a member of famous activist with the age 76 years old group.

Alexandru Nicolschi Height, Weight & Measurements

At 76 years old, Alexandru Nicolschi height not available right now. We will update Alexandru Nicolschi's Height, weight, Body Measurements, Eye Color, Hair Color, Shoe & Dress size soon as possible.

Physical Status
Height Not Available
Weight Not Available
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Who Is Alexandru Nicolschi's Wife?

His wife is Vanda Nicolschi

Family
Parents Not Available
Wife Vanda Nicolschi
Sibling Not Available
Children Not Available

Alexandru Nicolschi Net Worth

His net worth has been growing significantly in 2023-2024. So, how much is Alexandru Nicolschi worth at the age of 76 years old? Alexandru Nicolschi’s income source is mostly from being a successful activist. He is from Russia. We have estimated Alexandru Nicolschi's net worth, money, salary, income, and assets.

Net Worth in 2024 $1 Million - $5 Million
Salary in 2024 Under Review
Net Worth in 2023 Pending
Salary in 2023 Under Review
House Not Available
Cars Not Available
Source of Income activist

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Timeline

1915

Alexandru Nicolschi (born Boris Grünberg, his chosen surname was often rendered as Nikolski or Nicolski; Александр Серге́евич Никольский, Alexandr Sergeyevich Nikolsky; June 2, 1915 – April 16, 1992) was a Romanian communist activist, Soviet agent and officer, and Securitate chief under the Communist regime.

1930

Later in the 1930s, as associates of General Secretary Vitali Holostenco, he and Vasile Luca were elected to the internal Politburo (which was doubled by a controlling body inside the Soviet Union).

1932

In 1932, he joined the local section of the Romanian Union of Communist Youth, a wing of the Romanian Communist Party (PCdR); in 1933, due to his political activities, he was arrested and held for two weeks by the Romanian secret police, Siguranța Statului.

1937

In 1937, he joined the ranks of the Moscow-controlled PCdR.

He did his military service in the Signals Regiment of Iași in 1937–39, being discharged with the rank of corporal.

He subsequently worked for the telephone exchange in Chișinău.

1940

In December 1940, following the onset of the Soviet occupation of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, Grünberg became a Soviet citizen, joined the NKVD, and trained as a spy in Chernivtsi (Cernăuți).

1941

He was sent undercover into Romania on May 26, 1941,

carrying papers with the name Vasile Ștefănescu, in order to report on Romanian Army movements in preparation for Operation Barbarossa (the invasion of the Soviet Union by Nazi Germany, in which Romanian troops, under the command of Marshal Ion Antonescu, participated; see Romania during World War II).

He was apprehended by Romanian border guards after just two hours (according to subsequent reports, he was given away by the fact that he could not express himself in Romanian).

His case was investigated June 6–12 by the Special Investigations Service's Lieutenant Colonel Emil Velciu; Nicolschi confessed he had been recruited into Soviet intelligence by NKVD Captain Andreev.

After a short trial, he was sentenced to life imprisonment and hard labor on August 7, 1941.

He was sent to prison in Ploiești, and then Aiud, where other Soviet spies, such as Vladimir Gribici and Afanasie Șișman, were also held.

It was during the time that he began using his adopted name and passed himself off as an ethnic Russian.

1944

He was set free by the Red Army occupying Romania on August 28, 1944, and benefited from a general amnesty.

In October, Nicolschi was incorporated into the police force, becoming an inspector, while, in parallel, he rose rapidly through the ranks of the PCR.

According to Georgescu, as a direct result of the understanding, as much as 800 Iron Guard affiliates applied for recognition, including a number of people who had "returned from Germany after August 23, 1944, having diversion as their [original] purpose".

1945

In May 1945, just after the end of World War II in Europe, he was present in Moscow, where he was entrusted with the task of transporting Ion Antonescu and his group of collaborators (Mihai Antonescu, Constantin Pantazi, Piki Vasiliu, and others, all of whom had been captured by the Soviets) from Lubyanka back to Romania.

In autumn 1945, the two Communist representatives intervened to have sizable groups of Iron Guard members set free from various labor camps, while Petrașcu was awarded a degree of liberty in resuming political contacts.

On Georgescu's orders, Nicolschi drew up a list of Legionaries who had been imprisoned for lesser crimes under Ion Antonescu's regime, a document which formed the basis of pardons.

Most of the newly released persons were subsequently kept under surveillance by Nicolschi and his Detective Corps.

An unknown number of Petrașcu's supporters consequently joined the Communist Party, as part of a large wave of new members.

Nicolschi was later assigned General Inspector of the traditional secret police, Siguranța Statului, where he and Serghei Nicolau led the will-to-be communist security force "Mobile Brigade", entrusted with silencing political opposition.

The unit, which was to become an embryo for the "Securitate", comprised an active cell of Soviet MGB envoys.

At the time, Nicolschi himself rose to the rank of colonel in the MGB.

1946

On April 9, 1946, it was he who signed the release papers when these prisoners were taken back to Romania by Soviet Lieutenant Colonel Rodin to face trial.

Under the Petru Groza Communist-controlled government, Nicolschi was appointed head of the Detective Corps.

At the time, Nicolschi, together with Minister of the Interior Teohari Georgescu, was contacted by Nicolae Petrașcu, a fascist activist who oversaw the main interior branch of the Iron Guard (claiming to represent Horia Sima's exiled leadership of the movement).

Petrașcu, who had just been arrested, offered his subordinates' support for the National Democratic Front, which was an alliance controlled by the Communists (in the process, he avoided a direct mention of the Communist Party, and later carried on parallel negotiations with the opposition National Peasants' Party, PNȚ).

Georgescu and Nicolschi agreed to the deal, and allowed Iron Guard's affiliates (the Legionaries) to emerge from the underground, awarding them identity papers and employment on the condition that they disarmed themselves.

Georgescu was persuaded by Nicolschi to let Petrașcu go free; the minister later confessed that this was done on suspicion that the Iron Guard would otherwise provide support for the National Peasantist leaders: "The PNȚ's attempts, successful up to a certain extent, of attracting Legionaries into their party, [thus] giving them a legal possibility to act against the regime".

Together with Alexandru Drăghici, Nicolschi ordered a wave of arbitrary arrests in 1946–1947, which – according to some sources – came to mark the lives of as many as 300,000 people.

He also played a role in the killing of Ștefan Foriș, who, after being toppled from his position as General Secretary, had been kept in seclusion; it was Nicolschi who ordered Foriș' mother to be drowned in the Crișul Repede.

1948

In early 1948, after the PCR forced King Michael I to abdicate, Nicolschi escorted the latter out of the country and as far as Vienna.

During May, Nicolschi, together with Marin Jianu, engineered a series of trials for sabotage, which notably implicated the industrialists Radu Xenopol and Anton Dumitru, who were accused of having destroyed their own enterprises as a means to resist nationalization.

After the founding of the Securitate on August 30 of that year, Lieutenant General Gheorghe Pintilie (Pantelei Bodnarenko) became the first Director of this organization.

1961

Active until 1961, he was one of the most recognizable leaders of violent political repression.

Born to a Jewish family in Tiraspol, on the eastern bank of the Dniester river (part of Imperial Russia at the time), he was the son of Alexandru Grünberg, a miller.

1967

In 1967, he indicated that one of his subordinates, a certain "comrade (Gavril) Birtaș" of the Oradea section, had taken the initiative:

"Comrade Birtaș had received the indication to talk to her and get her to return to Oradea and admit herself into an old people's home. Details of how Comrade Birtaș has accomplished the mission are not known to me."